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                    <text>caption:by Henry Meyer, published by  Henry Colburn, after  Richard Carruthers, stipple engraving, published 1 February 1819
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                    <text>Wordsworth adopts a pensive pose, with his head resting on his hand, in this stipple engraving.  William Wordsworth by Henry Meyer, published by Henry Colburn, after Richard Carruthers. stipple engraving, published 1 February 1819.   </text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;…lost&lt;br /&gt; Amid the moving pageant, ‘twas my chance&lt;br /&gt; Abruptly to be smitten with the view&lt;br /&gt; Of a blind Beggar, who, with upright face,&lt;br /&gt; Stood propp’d against a Wall, upon his Chest&lt;br /&gt; Wearing a written paper, to explain&lt;br /&gt; The story of the Man, and who he was.&lt;br /&gt; My mind did at this spectacle turn round&lt;br /&gt; As with the might of waters, and it seem’d&lt;br /&gt; To me that in this Label was a type&lt;br /&gt; Or emblem, of the utmost that we know,&lt;br /&gt; Both of ourselves and of the universe;&lt;br /&gt; And, on the shape of the unmoving man,&lt;br /&gt; His fixed face and sightless eyes, I look’d&lt;br /&gt; As if admonish’d from another world. (1805, VII. 608-622)&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Prelude&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="Wordsworth Wikipedia Entry" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Wordsworth" target="_blank"&gt;William Wordsworth&lt;/a&gt;’s (1770-1850) poetry contains several interesting and largely unexplored representations of disability.  One familiar pattern, seen in “Resolution and Independence” (1807) has the speaker of Wordsworth’s poem encountering a person with a disability and using the encounter as a spur to personal reflection. In Book VII of his autobiographical epic poem, &lt;em&gt;The Prelude&lt;/em&gt; (1805, 1850), Wordsworth gives a detailed description of an encounter with a blind beggar.  The blind man, who stands “propp’d against a Wall,” is a visual spectacle for Wordsworth’s speaker, who describes himself as “smitten with the view.”  The portrait of the beggar that he provides emphasizes the blind man’s passivity and immobility; this man is “propp’d against a Wall,” his body “unmoving” and his face “fixed.”  What matters most to the sighted speaker about the blind man he observes and describes is the sign or “Label” that the blind man wears, a record of “the story of the Man, and who he was.” It is not, however, the content of this sign that is of interest to the speaker.  Instead, the sign is identified and valued as a symbol of a universal condition; Wordsworth finds in it a “type/ Or emblem” of the profound ignorance of human beings.  His speaker has gained new knowledge about, ironically enough, humanity’s lack of knowledge, but he does not come away with new knowledge about either the experience of disability or the particular experiences of an individual living with a disability.  This stands in contrast to Arthur Symon’s (1865-1945) later contribution to the genre of the poetic encounter with a blind street person, “The Blind Beggar” (1892), which leads him to reflect on the material conditions of the disabled poor.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Wordsworth, William</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Wordsworth, William.  &lt;em&gt;The Prelude: A Parallel Text&lt;/em&gt;.  Ed. Ernest de Selincourt. 2&lt;sup&gt;nd&lt;/sup&gt; ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1959.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;1805&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Vanessa Warne&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Wordsworth adopts a pensive pose, with his head resting on his hand, in this stipple engraving.  &lt;em&gt;William Wordsworth&lt;/em&gt; by Henry Meyer, published by Henry Colburn, after Richard Carruthers. stipple engraving, published 1 February 1819.   Courtesy &lt;a title="National Portrait Gallery" href="http://www.npg.org.uk/" target="_blank"&gt;National Portrait Gallery&lt;/a&gt; under a Creative Commons License (&lt;a title="William Wordsworth" href="http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw42777/William-Wordsworth?LinkID=mp04931&amp;amp;search=sas&amp;amp;sText=william+wordsworth&amp;amp;role=sit&amp;amp;rNo=13" target="_blank"&gt;NPG D8807&lt;/a&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Bowlby, Rachel. “Readable City.” &lt;em&gt;PMLA&lt;/em&gt; 122:1 (2007): 306-9. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Epstein Kobayashi, Emily V. “Feeling Intellect in Aurora Leigh and The Prelude.” &lt;em&gt;SEL&lt;/em&gt; 51:4 (2011): 823-848. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Friedman, Geraldine. “History in the Background in Wordsworth’s ‘Blind Beggar.’” &lt;em&gt;ELH&lt;/em&gt; 56:1 (1989): 125-148. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Symons, Arthur. &lt;a title="Symon's &amp;quot;The Blind Beggar&amp;quot;" href="http://www.nineteenthcenturydisability.org/items/show/12"&gt;“The Blind Beggar.”&lt;/a&gt; Annotated by Vanessa Warne. &lt;em&gt;Nineteenth-Century Disability: A Digital Reader. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;&lt;a title="Wordsworth Trust" href="https://www.wordsworth.org.uk/home.html" target="_blank"&gt;The Wordsworth Trust&lt;/a&gt;. https://www.wordsworth.org.uk/home.html&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;A conversation tube is a non-electric, acoustic device designed to amplify sounds for deaf or hard-of-hearing individuals and is constructed of a flexible tube with a mouthpiece at one end and an ear piece at the other. The device dates to the seventeenth-century, when Puritan couples used them to have private conversations while courting, as social customs of the day limited their interaction in presence of family members (&lt;a href="http://wellcomeimages.org/indexplus/image/L0064953.html"&gt;Wellcome Images&lt;/a&gt;). During the nineteenth-century, many versions of the conversation tube were manufactured for personal use. The device creates a “direct line from the hearer” who wears the earpiece, and the speaker, who spoke through the mouthpiece; the length of the tube allowed for a “polite and comfortable distance between individuals” (Church). Conversation tubes are often synonymously referred as “speaking tubes.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This particular conversation tube is one of the earliest devices at the CID-Goldstein Collection at the Bernard Becker Medical Library. It was designed and sold by Frederick C. Rein in London, who established the first commercial firm for hearing devices in 1800. The maker’s trademark is inscribed on the mouthpiece as “Rein and Son. Improved. 108 Strand, London.” A very simple design, this 56inch conversation tube is composed of an ivory mouthpiece and ear insert, with two layers of red silk woven around the coiled metal tube.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Designs of conversation tube were relatively uniform. The &lt;a href="http://phisick.com/items/ent/?s=&amp;amp;sub=conversation-tubes"&gt;standard design for a conversation tube&lt;/a&gt; included ivory for the earpiece and mouthpiece, with black wool, leather or silk covering the coil. Later designs incorporated different materials for the tubes in attempts to increase hearing amplification, including: wood, rubber, or celluloid. Ornamental designs were also present in some versions that were preferred by aristocratic or fashionable users and were likely more expensive than standard designs. Some manufacturers, however, abstained from using rubber or gum solutions in their designs, in order to protect the device from climatic conditions (Hawksley). In some cases, the designs were a compromise between amplification and portability, especially as some individuals may have preferred smaller designs to be folded and carried in their pockets (Mills, 76). The length of most tubes was 88 to 176 cm, with an average price of 1 guinea for the most powerfully amplified versions (Bennion), which would enable the user to hear at least 20 to 40dB of sounds (Berger).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The red silk of this conversation tube is the most striking design feature, suggesting a fashionable and feminine trait embodied into the design. Even more remarkable is the conspicuous nature of the device, suggesting that the user had no qualms about hiding her deafness. &lt;a href="http://phisick.com/item/photograph-of-woman-with-conversation-tube/"&gt;Conversation tubes in general, were not disguised devices to be used in private&lt;/a&gt;. To use the device, a user needed to make his or her deafness apparent, since the very nature of the device “required the presence of one other person, who might judge you on your plebeian and unattractive listening device” (Church). As the Hawksley catalog of acoustic instruments declares, “A Conversation Tube is the most useful form of instrument for severe cases of deafness, or when a person is only moderately deaf and wishes to carry on a conversation with a friend” (Hawksley).&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jaipreet Virdi-Dhesi</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Bennion, Elisabeth. &lt;em&gt;Antique Medical Instruments &lt;/em&gt;(Berkley: University of California Press, 1979).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Bernard Becker Library Virtual Exhibit: &lt;em&gt;Deafness in Disguise: Concealed Hearing Devices of the 19th and 20th Centuries&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;a href="http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/did/index.htm"&gt;http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/did/index.htm&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Berger, Kenneth W. &lt;em&gt;The Hearing Aid, it’s Operation and Development&lt;/em&gt;. Michigan, USA: National Hearing Aid Society, 1970.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Church, Joanna. “Conversation tube, circa 1900,” A Fine Collection: Blog of the Montgomery County Historical Society Maryland &lt;a href="http://afinecollection.wordpress.com/2013/12/18/conversation-tube-circa-1900/"&gt;http://afinecollection.wordpress.com/2013/12/18/conversation-tube-circa-1900/&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Gallery of Conversation Tubes, The Hearing Aid Museum: &lt;a href="http://www.hearingaidmuseum.com/gallery/Non-Electric/ConversationTubes/index-contubes.htm"&gt;http://www.hearingaidmuseum.com/gallery/Non-Electric/ConversationTubes/index-contubes.htm&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Hawksley, T. &lt;em&gt;Catalogue of Otacoustical Instruments to Aid the Deaf&lt;/em&gt;, 3&lt;sup&gt;rd&lt;/sup&gt; Edition (London: T. Hawksley, 1895).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Koelkebeck, Mary Lou, Collen Detjen, and Donald R. Calvert, &lt;em&gt;Historic Devices for Hearing: The CID-Goldstein Collection&lt;/em&gt;. St. Louise: The Central Institute for the Deaf, 1984.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Mills, Mara. “Hearing Aids and the History of Electronics Miniaturization,” in Jonathan Sterne (Ed.), &lt;em&gt;The Sound Studies Reader &lt;/em&gt;(London &amp;amp; New York: Routledge, 2012), 73-78.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;A conversation tube constructed with red silk, ivory mouthpiece, and ivory ear insert, made by Rein &amp;amp; Son. Courtesy of The Central Institute for the Deaf-Max A. Goldstein Historic Devices for Hearing Collection.  Becker Medical Library, Washington University School of Medicine (VC703001). &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>A Red Conversation Tube</text>
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                <text>c. 1800 to 1850</text>
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                    <text>Pratt, Matthew. The American School, 1765, oil on canvas, 36 x 50 ¼”.  Image Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art. This painting depicts a group of students painting in Benjamin West’s London studio. </text>
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                    <text>The artist, Matthew Pratt, is seated at the easel, while West, at left wearing green, gives instructions to another young, unidentified artist.</text>
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                  <text>1798 to 1837</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;While Trumbull and Stuart were together as pupils of Mr. West, Stuart being the senior student, and more advanced in the art, Trumbull frequently submitted his works to him for the benefit of his remarks. Stuart told Mr. Sully, from whom we derive the anecdote, that on one occasion he was excessively puzzled by the drawing, “and after turning it this way and that, I observed, ‘Why, Trumbull, this looks as if it was drawn by a man with but one eye.’ Trumbull appeared much hurt, and said, ‘I take it very unkindly, sir, that you should make the remark.’ I couldn't tell what he meant, and asked him. ‘I presume, sir,’ he answered, ‘that you know I have lost the sight of one eye, and any allusion to it, in this manner, is illiberal.’ Now I never suspected it, and only the oddness of the drawing suggested the thing.” We have heard from Stuart’s companions in Boston, the same story, in nearly the same words, and when he told it to them, he went into a long dissertation on optics to prove, that a man, with but the sight of one eye, could not possibly draw truly. This notion Sully thought perfectly idle, and only one of Stuart’s whims, who could lecture most eloquently on any subject, from the anatomy of a man, to the economy of his shoe-tie.&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Note&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Dunlap, &lt;em&gt;History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States&lt;/em&gt;, 1:182.&lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Despite his resistance to the formal study of painting, William Dunlap’s time in Europe would prove critical to the history of American art because it was at West’s studio in London that Dunlap became acquainted with the foremost artists of the time. Dunlap is today best remembered as “the American Vasari,” after Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574), the 16&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt;-century Italian biographer of Renaissance painters, as Dunlap would go on to write the first history of American art and artists, &lt;em&gt;History of the Rise and Progress of the Art of Design in the United States&lt;/em&gt;, published in 1834.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The following excerpt, drawn from the &lt;em&gt;Rise and Progress&lt;/em&gt;, recounts an exchange between two other American painters working under West in London, Gilbert Stuart (1755-1828) and John Trumbull (1756-1843), as related later by a third American, Thomas Sully (1783-1872). Dunlap’s decision to include this anecdote is likely informed by his own visual impairment, which is identical to that suffered by John Trumbull, described below.&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Although Dunlap does not draw attention to this similarity here, elsewhere in the &lt;em&gt;Rise and Progress&lt;/em&gt; and in his 1832 history of American theatre&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Dunlap details the accident that rendered him blind in the right eye (see linked entry on Dunlap’s self-portraits). Curiously, however, in neither of these accounts does Dunlap suggest that his monocular vision limited his ability to draw in perspective. Instead, Dunlap notes multiple times in his published works that he found his sense of color wanting, possibly as a result of the accident, or, as he hypothesizes, “a natural defect.”&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Nonetheless, Dunlap appears to use this anecdote, and particularly Sully’s criticism of Stuart’s theory, as a defense of painters, like Dunlap himself, who suffered from visual impairments.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Notes&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Stuart’s criticism of Trumbull’s drawing evidently held little weight; Trumbull was commissioned to paint four large American historical scenes for the Capitol Rotunda in 1817. See: http://www.aoc.gov/capitol-hill/artists/john-trumbull&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; William Dunlap, &lt;em&gt;History of the American Theatre&lt;/em&gt;, vol. 2 (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), 49, http://books.google.com/books/about/History_of_the_American_Theatre.html?id=yDEOAAAAIAAJ.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Dunlap, &lt;em&gt;History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States&lt;/em&gt;, 1:259. Also describes his difficulty with color on p. 250. It should be noted that the first widely acknowledged account of color blindness was not published until 1798 by the English physicist John Dalton. Dunlap was likely unaware of the possible genetic explanation for his condition, which may have been a partial color blindness. See: A E Emery, “John Dalton (1766-1844).,” &lt;em&gt;Journal of Medical Genetics&lt;/em&gt; 25, no. 6 (June 1988): 422–26.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;</text>
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                <text>Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States&lt;/em&gt;. Vol. 1. 2 vols. New York: George P. Scott and Company, Printers, 1834. Available at: https://archive.org/details/historyofrisepro01dunl.</text>
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                <text>1834</text>
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                <text>Kim Beil</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;A History of the American Theatre&lt;/em&gt;. New York : J. &amp;amp; J. Harper, 1832. http://archive.org/details/historyofamerica00dunl.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Lyons, Maura. &lt;em&gt;William Dunlap and the Construction of an American Art History&lt;/em&gt;. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Pratt, Matthew. &lt;em&gt;The American School&lt;/em&gt;, 1765, oil on canvas, 36 x 50 ¼”.  Image Courtesy &lt;a title="Met Museum Link" href="http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/11797"&gt;Metropolitan Museum of Art&lt;/a&gt;. This painting depicts a group of students painting in Benjamin West’s London studio. The artist, Matthew Pratt, is seated at the easel, while West, at left wearing green, gives instructions to another young, unidentified artist. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>William Dunlap</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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                <text>George P. Scott and Company</text>
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        <name>Art History</name>
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        <name>William Dunlap</name>
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                    <text>Miniature Self-Portrait by William Dunlap, in the high collar and blue jacket of the period.</text>
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                    <text>http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-87</text>
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                    <text>1805</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="5888">
                    <text>Kim Beil</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="6017">
                    <text> Image Courtesy Yale University Art Gallery and the Metropolitan Museum of Art under a Creative Commons License.</text>
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                    <text>Self-Portrait by William Dunlap, watercolour on ivory shows the damage to the artist's right eye.</text>
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                    <text>http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-17</text>
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                    <text>1812</text>
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                <elementTextContainer>
                  <elementText elementTextId="6018">
                    <text>Image Courtesy Yale University Art Gallery and the Metropolitan Museum of Art under a Creative Commons License.</text>
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                    <text>http://metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/17804?=&amp;imgNo=0&amp;tabName=object-information</text>
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                    <text>1825</text>
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                  <elementText elementTextId="6019">
                    <text>Image Courtesy Yale University Art Gallery and the Metropolitan Museum of Art under a Creative Commons License.</text>
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                    <text>Self-Portrait of William Dunlop.</text>
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                  <text>1798 to 1837</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;In these self-portrait miniatures the American painter William Dunlap (1766-1839) depicts the visible sign of his disability: permanent blindness of the right eye resulting from a childhood accident. Dunlap turned his damaged eye away from the viewer in each of these self-portraits, showing at least partial deference to prevailing conventions of portraiture. In one popular treatise on painting available in English translation,&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; the Dutch classicist painter, Gérard de Lairesse (1641-1711) (who was himself blind due to congenital syphilis), admonished portrait painters who aimed to&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;blockquote&gt;express punctually the deformities and defects of a face, without scruple; to wit, a blind or defective eye, or the like, though they know what an enemy it is to grace, and on no other ground than a false belief that it creates a greater likeness. But who loves to be reproached with his defects, when they can be artfully hidden?&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/blockquote&gt;
&lt;p&gt;While Dunlap repeatedly posed in a three-quarters view that favored the penetrating gaze of his left eye capped by a slightly arched brow, he also included the milky white of his damaged eye in at least two of these self-portraits.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The injury was paradoxically the event that set Dunlap on the course to a career in the arts. Following his accident, Dunlap ceased formal schooling and concentrated instead on reading books and copying prints from his family’s library. It was on the strength of these copies, and his later pastel portraits of his family, acquaintances, and even General George Washington (United States Senate, 1783), that Dunlap’s father sent him to complete his artistic education in London under the premiere American expatriate artist, Benjamin West (1738-1820). Dunlap’s recurrent inclusion of his disability in his self-portraits perhaps signifies his recognition of its formative impact on his life, inspiring him to act in defiance of the prevailing expectation that such “deformities” be “artfully hidden” in portraiture.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Note&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; For discussion of the impact of this text on Colonial American painters, see: Wayne Craven, “Colonial American Portraiture: Iconography and Methodology,” in &lt;em&gt;The Portrait in Eighteenth-Century America&lt;/em&gt;, ed. Ellen Gross Miles (Newark; London: University of Delaware Press ; Associated University Presses, 1993), 113.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Gérard de Lairesse, &lt;em&gt;A Treatise on the Art of Painting, in All Its Branches&lt;/em&gt;, trans. William Marshall Craig (London: E. Orme, 1817), 6.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;Self-Portrait&lt;/em&gt;, ca. 1812, watercolor on ivory, 3 x 2 ½”, Yale University Art Gallery &lt;a href="http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-87"&gt;http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-17&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;Self-Portrait&lt;/em&gt;, ca. 1805, watercolor on ivory, 2/ ½ x 1 7/8”, Yale University Art Gallery &lt;a href="http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-87"&gt;http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-87&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;Self-Portrait&lt;/em&gt;, ca. 1825, watercolor on ivory, 3 x 2”, Metropolitan Museum of Art, &lt;a href="http://metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/17804"&gt;http://metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/17804&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5878">
                <text>1805, 1812, 1825</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5879">
                <text>Kim Beil</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Craven, Wayne. “Colonial American Portraiture: Iconography and Methodology.” In &lt;em&gt;The Portrait in Eighteenth-Century America&lt;/em&gt;, edited by Ellen Gross Miles. Newark; London: University of Delaware Press ; Associated University Presses, 1993.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Dunlap, William. &lt;em&gt;History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States: Volume 1&lt;/em&gt;. 2 vols. New York: George P. Scott and Company, Printers, 1834. https://archive.org/details/historyofrisepro01dunl&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Lairesse, Gérard de. &lt;em&gt;A Treatise on the Art of Painting, in All Its Branches&lt;/em&gt;. Translated by William Marshall Craig. London: E. Orme, 1817. &lt;a href="https://archive.org/details/treatiseonartofp02lair"&gt;https://archive.org/details/treatiseonartofp02lair&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Lyons, Maura. &lt;em&gt;William Dunlap and the Construction of an American Art History&lt;/em&gt;. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>William Dunlap</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Miniature self-portraits by American artist William Dunlap (c. &lt;a href="http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-87"&gt;1805&lt;/a&gt;, c. &lt;a href="http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/self-portrait-17"&gt;1812&lt;/a&gt;, c. &lt;a href="http://metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/17804"&gt;1825&lt;/a&gt;). Watercolour on ivory. Images Courtesy Yale University Art Gallery and the Metropolitan Museum of Art under a Creative Commons License.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                    <text>The engraving shows Quasimodo's head emerging from Cathedral architecture, resembling a gargoyle. “Quasimodo” by Gustave Brion, engraved by Perrichon and Yon in 1836.  From Notre-Dame de Paris. Oeuvres complètes illustrées. Paris: Éditions A. Michel, 1930.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Clopin Trouillefou, who had been a candidate [for Pope of Fools] — and God knows what intensity of ugliness his features could attain — confessed himself conquered. We shall do the same: we shall not attempt to give the reader any idea of that tetrahedron nose, of that horse-shoe mouth, of that little left eye, stubbled up with an eye-brow of carotty bristles, while the right was completely overwhelmed and buried by an enormous wen&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt;; of those irregular teeth, jagged here and there like the battlements of a fortress; of that horny lip, over which one of those teeth protruded, like the tusk of an elephant; of that forked chin; and above all, of the expression, that mixture of spite, wonder, and melancholy, spread over these exquisite features. Imagine such an object, if you can. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The acclamation was unanimous: the crowd rushed to the chapel. The lucky Pope of Fools was brought out in triumph, and it was not till then that surprise and admiration were at their height: what had been mistaken for a grimace was his natural visage; indeed, it might be said that his whole person was but one grimace. His prodigious head was covered with red bristles; between his shoulders rose an enormous hump, which was counterbalanced by a protuberance in front; his thighs and legs were so strangely put together, that they touched at no one point but the knees, and, seen in front, resembled two sickles jointed at the handles; his feet were immense, his hands monstrous; but, with all this deformity, there was a formidable air of strength, agility, and courage, constituting a singular exception to the eternal rule, which ordains that force, as well as beauty, shall result from harmony. He looked like a giant who had been broken in pieces and ill soldered together. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;When this sort of Cyclop appeared on the threshold of the chapel, motionless, squat, almost as broad as high, “the square of his base,” as a great man expresses it, the populace instantly recognized him by his coat, half red and half purple, sprinkled with silver bells, and, more especially, by the perfection of his ugliness, and cried out with one voice: “It is Quasimodo, the bell-ringer! it is Quasimodo, the hunchback of Notre-Dame! Quasimodo, the one-eyed! Quasimodo the bandy-legged! Hurrah! hurrah!” The poor devil, it seems, had plenty of surnames to choose among. (43-44)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;***&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;He held the damsel, palpitating all over, hanging from his horny hands like a white drapery; but he carried her with as much care as if he was fearful of bruising or disturbing her. He felt, you would have thought, that a thing so delicate, so exquisite, so precious, was not made for such hands as his. At times he looked as though he dared not touch her even with his breath. Then, all at once, he would clasp her closely in his arms, against his angular bosom, as his treasure, as his all, as the mother of that girl would herself have done. His cyclop eye bent down upon her, shed over her a flood of tenderness, of pity, of grief, and was suddenly raised flashing lightning. At this sight the women laughed and cried; the crowd stamped with enthusiasm, for at that moment Quasimodo was really beautiful. Yes, he was beautiful — he, that orphan, that foundling, that outcast; he felt himself august and strong; he looked in the face that society from which he was banished, and from which he had made so signal a conquest; that human justice from which he had snatched its victim; those judges, those executioners, all that force of the King’s, which he, the meanest of the mean, had foiled with the force of God! (311)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Notes&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; A growth or tumour. &lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>The Hunchback of Notre-Dame</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;One of the most well known nineteenth-century fictional representations of disability is that of Quasimodo, the deaf and disabled bell-ringer in Victor Hugo’s 1831 historical novel, &lt;em&gt;Notre-Dame de Paris&lt;/em&gt;. The novel quickly became immensely popular, particularly in England, with multiple editions of at least three England translations being published within ten years of its first publication. The story was as equally popular in stage and operatic adaptations in England; in fact, Edward Fitzball had adapted and produced in London two different stage versions of it —&lt;em&gt;Esmeralda; or, The Deformed of Notre Dame &lt;/em&gt;(1834) and &lt;em&gt;Quasimodo; or, The Gipsey Girl of Notre Dame &lt;/em&gt;(1836) — before Hugo’s own theatrical adaptation, &lt;em&gt;La Esmeralda&lt;/em&gt; (1836), hit theatres in Paris (Szwydky 471). The novel’s immense popularity demonstrates the nineteenth-century fascination with non-normative bodies that we typically associate with Victorian freak shows. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;However, the novel offers a complex portrayal of disability that neither simply reduces Quasimodo’s disability to a metaphor for social problems nor wholly recognizes the social source of his impediments. Ambivalently, at times the narrator solidly blames Quasimodo’s misery on his non-normative body, making such statements as “It is certain that the spirit pines in a misshapen form” (141), but at other times attributes the fault to the social environment of medieval France instead. In the two selections from &lt;em&gt;Notre-Dame &lt;/em&gt;below, the social environment shapes the meaning of Quasimodo’s disability in two very different ways. The first selection, in which Quasimodo is elected “Pope of Fools” for making the ugliest face at the Epiphany celebrations,&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; shows how the social environment of the Carnival reads the grotesque in Quasimodo’s body. The second, however, in which Quasimodo has just rescued the heroine Esmeralda from execution by the King’s men, shows how the altered social environment interprets his body as sublime.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Epiphany, a Christian feast day celebrated on January 6, marks the visit of the Wise Men to the infant Jesus. &lt;/p&gt;
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Hugo, Victor. &lt;em&gt;The Hunchback of Notre-Dame&lt;/em&gt;. 1831. Trans. Frederic Shoberl. Standard Novels No. 32. London: Richard Bentley, 1833. Available online at &lt;a href="http://openlibrary.org/books/OL7104667M/The_hunchback_of_Notre-Dame"&gt;http://openlibrary.org/books/OL7104667M/The_hunchback_of_Notre-Dame&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;1831&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Kylee-Anne Hingston&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;The engraving shows Quasimodo's head emerging from Cathedral architecture, resembling a gargoyle. “Quasimodo” by Gustave Brion, engraved by Perrichon and Yon in 1836.  From &lt;em&gt;Notre-Dame de Paris&lt;/em&gt;. Oeuvres complètes illustrées. Paris: Éditions A. Michel, 1930.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;Duncan, Ian. “We Were Never Human: Monstrous Forms of Nineteenth-Century Fiction.” &lt;em&gt;Victorian Transformations&lt;/em&gt;. Ed. Bianca Trednnick. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2011. 7-27. Print.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Joshua, Essaka. “The Drifting Language Of Architectural Accessibility In Victor Hugo's &lt;em&gt;Notre-Dame De Paris&lt;/em&gt;.” &lt;em&gt;Disability Studies Quarterly&lt;/em&gt; 31.3 (2011): http://dsq-sds.org/article/view/1677/1594. 14 May 2012. Web.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Szwydky, Lissette Lopez. “Victor Hugo's Notre‐Dame de Paris on the Nineteenth‐Century London Stage.” &lt;em&gt;European Romantic Review&lt;/em&gt; 21.4 (2010): 469-487. Online.&lt;/li&gt;
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                <text>Hugo, Victor</text>
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                    <text>A black and white etching shows the North view of the York Retreat, a grand manor surrounded by trees.</text>
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                  <text>1798 to 1837</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;The female patients in the Retreat, are employed, as much as possible, in sewing, knitting, or domestic affairs; and several of the convalescents assist the attendants. Of all the modes by which the patients may be induced to restrain themselves, regular employment is perhaps the most efficacious; and those kinds of employment are doubtless to be preferred, both on a moral and physical account, which are accompanied by considerable bodily action; that are most agreeable to the patient, and which are most opposite to the illusions of his disease.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In an early part of this chapter, it is stated, that the patients are considered capable of rational and honourable inducement; and though we allowed &lt;em&gt;fear &lt;/em&gt;a considerable place in the production of that restraint, which the patient generally exerts on his entrance into a new situation; yet the &lt;em&gt;desire of esteem &lt;/em&gt;is considered, at the Retreat, as operating, in general, still more powerfully. This principle in the human mind, which doubtless influences, in a great degree, though often secretly, our general manners; and which with peculiar force on our introduction into a new circle of acquaintance, is found to have great influence, even over the conduct of the insane. Though it has obviously not been sufficiently powerful, to enable them entirely to resist the strong irregular tendencies of their disease; yet when properly cultivated, it leads many to struggle to conceal and overcome their deviations, within such bounds, as do not make them obnoxious to the family.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This struggle is highly beneficial to the patient, by strengthening his mind, and conducing to a salutary habit of self-restraint; an object which experience points out as of the greatest importance, in the cure of insanity, by moral means.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;That fear is not the only motive, which operates in producing &lt;em&gt;self-restraint &lt;/em&gt;in the minds of maniacs, is evident from its being often exercised in the presence of strangers, who are merely passing through the house; and which, I presume, can only be accounted for, from that desire of esteem, which has been stated to be a powerful motive to conduct.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It is probably from encouraging the action of this principle, that so much advantage has been found in this Institution, from treating the patient as much in the manner of a rational being, as the state of his mind will possibly allow. The superintendent is particularly attentive to this point, in his conversation with the patients. He introduces such topics as he knows will most interest them to display their knowledge to the greatest advantage. If the patient is an agriculturist, he asks him questions relative to his art; and frequently consults him upon any occasion in which his knowledge may be useful. I have heard one of the worst patients in the house, who, previously to his indisposition, had been a considerable grazier, give very sensible directions for the treatment of a diseased cow.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;These considerations are undoubtedly very material, as they regard the comfort of insane persons; but they are of far greater importance, as they relate to the cure of the disorder. The patient feeling himself of some consequence, is induced to support it by the exertion of his reason, and by restraining those dispositions, which, if indulged, would lessen the respectful treatment he receives; or lower his character in the eyes of his companions and attendants […]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To consider them at the same time both as brothers, and as mere automata; to applaud all they do right; and pity, without censuring, whatever they do wrong, requires such a habit philosophical reflection, and Christian charity, as is certainly difficult to attain […]&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In considering our first division of this subject, viz. the modes by which self-restraint may be induced, we have anticipated many of the means by which the comfort of this unhappy class of our fellow beings is promoted; indeed we might, without impropriety, have included all these means under our former division; since whatever tends to promote the happiness of the patient, is found to increase his desire to restrain himself, by exciting the wish not to forfeit his enjoyments; and lessening the irritation of mind, which too frequently accompanies mental derangement.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The comfort of the patients is therefore considered of the highest importance, in a curative point of view. The study of the superintendents to promote it with all the assiduity of parental, but judicious attention, has been, in numerous instances, rewarded by an almost filial attachment. In their conversation with the patients, they adapt themselves to their particular weaknesses; but, at the same time, endeavour to draw them insensibly from the sorrow, or the error, which marks the disease.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The female superintendent, who possesses an uncommon share of benevolent activity, and who has the chief management of the female patients, as well as of the domestic department, occasionally gives a general invitation to the patients, to a tea-party. All who attend, dress in their best clothes, and vie with each other in politeness and propriety. The best fare in provided, and the visitors are treated with the attention of strangers. The evening generally passes in the greatest harmony and enjoyment. It rarely happens that any unpleasant circumstance occurs; the patients control, in a wonderful degree, their different propensities; and the scene is at once curious, and affectingly gratifying.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Some of the patients occasionally pay visits to friends in the city; and female visiters [sic.] are appointed every month, by the Committee, to pay visits to those of their own sex; to converse with them, and so propose to the superintendents, or the Committee, any improvements which may occur to them. The visiters sometimes take tea with the patients, who are much gratified with the attention of their friends, and most behave with propriety.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It will be necessary here to mention, that the visits of former intimate friends, have frequently been attended with disadvantage to the patients; except when convalescence had so far advanced, as so afford a prospect of a speedy return to the bosom of society. It is, however, very certain, that as soon as reason begins to return, the conversation of judicious, indifferent persons, greatly increases the comfort; and is considered almost essential to the recovery of many patients. On this account, the convalescents of every class, are frequently introduced into the society of the rational parts of the family. They are also permitted to sit up till the usual time for the family to retire to rest, and are allowed as much liberty as their state of mind will admit.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;In 1791 a female patient, belonging to the Society of Friends, was admitted to the York Asylum. Since her family did not live nearby, they requested that their friends who lived in the city visit her. These visits were refused, and a few weeks later the patient later died in mysterious circumstances. The Quaker community were appalled and decided to found a charitable asylum which opened in 1796 under the direction of William Tuke, based on the more human principle of moral management, without the use of physical restraints. The publication in 1813 of a description of the retreat by Samuel Tuke, the grandson of the institution’s founder, quickly drew the public’s attention the plight of the insane, exposing the routine and systematic maltreatment of those incarcerated at madhouses such as the York Asylum and London’s notorious Bethlem Hospital. The description was of vital importance, leading to the establishment of a select committee in Parliament to regulate asylums in 1815. The resulting legislation, the Lunacy Acts of 1845, outlawed practices such as allowing paying members of the public to view patients, established the Lunacy Commission to inspect asylums, and required the establishment of a public asylum in every county. Tuke’s description also marked a turning point in the history of the treatment of the insane, increasing support for the moral management on which the new nineteenth-century medical discipline of psychology was largely based.  &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The following extract emphasises the familial homeliness of the Retreat’s environment, in contrast to the prison-like conditions of previous institutions, and the use of middle-class domestic rituals, such as tea parties, to promote conformation to societal norms of gendered behaviour. Patients’ return to reason and sanity was determined to a considerable extent by their adherence to conventions like good manners, with those who did not match expectations being treated ‘like ill-disciplined children.’&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Despite the policy of non-restraint,&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn2"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; Tuke acknowledges the deliberate establishment of fear of punishment in patients’ minds. This may be seen as one of the main roots of Michel Foucault’s contention that ‘the absence of constraint in the nineteenth-century asylum is not unreason liberated, but madness long since mastered.’&lt;a title="" href="#_ftn3"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; According to this influential critique of the asylum system, patients, like prisoners, no longer needed such high levels of restraint or supervision since this had been replaced by a more sinister method of control: the internalisation of restraint which amounted to  the self-policing of individuals’ behaviour.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Notes&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; Porter, Roy. &lt;em&gt;The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present&lt;/em&gt;. London: HarperCollins, 1997. Page 497.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref"&gt;[2]&lt;/a&gt; In practice, attendants at the asylums sometimes resorted to the use of strong clothing and straitjackets to restrict patients’ movement and prevent them from ripping their clothing. In the rare cases of violent mania, patients were kept in a darkened room in solitary confinement until they became calmer. In the meantime, they could move around the room or lie in bed as they chose. Similarly rare were instances of force feeding when there was a high risk of starvation, and of strapping patients to their beds if they seemed likely to attempt suicide during the night. Tuke repeatedly stresses that such episodes were regrettable but sadly necessary in the most extreme cases. The use of chains, however, was strictly prohibited.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a title="" href="#_ftnref"&gt;[3]&lt;/a&gt; Foucault, Michel. &lt;em&gt;Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason&lt;/em&gt;. Translated from the French by Richard Howard. London and New York: Routledge, 2009. Page 239.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Digby, Anne. &lt;em&gt;Madness, Morality and Medicine: A Study of the York Retreat&lt;/em&gt;. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Foucault, Michel. &lt;em&gt;Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason&lt;/em&gt;. Translated from the French by Richard Howard. London and New York: Routledge, 2009.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Porter, Roy. &lt;em&gt;The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity from Antiquity to the Present&lt;/em&gt;. London: HarperCollins, 1997.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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                <text>Frontispiece from A Description of the Retreat, an Institution Near York, for Insane Persons of the Society of Friends (1813). Courtesy of Wellcome Images under a Creative Commons License. </text>
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                    <text>Webster&amp;rsquo;s Otaphone, a silver device curved to match the shape of the ear and painted beige to match the wearer's skin tone. &amp;nbsp;This first photograph shows a close up of a decorative dragon on the device. Courtesy of The Central Institute for the Deaf-Max A. Goldstein Historic Devices for Hearing Collection. &amp;nbsp;&lt;a title="Becker Medical Images" href="http://beckerimages.wustl.edu/" target="_blank"&gt;Becker Medical Library&lt;/a&gt;, Washington University School of Medicine.</text>
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                    <text>This photograph shows Webster's Otaphone, a curved hearing aid manufactured in silver but painted to conceal the device.  The beige paint has chipped with time.  &#13;
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[Webster's Otaphone] supports the depressed parts of the auricle, and thereby conveying more vibrations to the inner ear, derives its name from [ota] the ear, and [phone] sound. It is formed of pure silver, doubly gilt, which, taking the exact shape of the back of the ear, when supported in its most capacious form, spreads as it were a sail for the collection of sonorous impressions. A small hook, projecting over the top of the ear from behind, is the only part that can be seen on looking at the face, and the hair is generally so profuse on the temples as to hide it altogether. The Otaphones have this advantage over spectacles, that while the latter add an expression of age to the countenance, the former, by restoring a more youthful figure to the head, increases its intellectual character. The invention was first suggested by observing persons at church, and other large assemblies, supporting the ear with the hand; which induced the author to consider whether the same advantage might not be obtained by means less troublesome and unsightly. His own experience, and subsequent experiments in which he was assisted by his friends, soon convinced him of the correctness of his inductions; since which the Otaphones have been worn in both Houses of Parliament, on the Bench in the three divisions of the empire, at places of Public Worship, and Theatres, and every public arena. The principle on which they act is so nature, as to be almost instinctive.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Webster’s Otaphone, a Patented Hearing Aid</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;UK patent &lt;a title="Patent Link in Google Books" href="http://books.google.de/books?id=B9JTAAAAcAAJ&amp;amp;pg=PA4&amp;amp;dq=webster+otaphone&amp;amp;hl=en&amp;amp;sa=X&amp;amp;ei=vhONUf6kJ8fVtQa_oIFA&amp;amp;ved=0CC4Q6wEwAA#v=onepage&amp;amp;q=webster%20otaphone&amp;amp;f=false" target="_blank"&gt;#7033&lt;/a&gt;, dated 17 March 1836, is the earliest British patent for a hearing aid device, granted to the aurist (19&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; century term for ear specialist) Alphonso William Webster, for his “curious” invention, the Otaphone (sometimes spelled “Otophone”). In his publication, &lt;a title="Google Books Link" href="http://books.google.de/books?id=OEAEAAAAQAAJ&amp;amp;printsec=frontcover&amp;amp;dq=webster+a+new+and+familiar+treatise+on+the+structure+of+the+ear&amp;amp;hl=en&amp;amp;sa=X&amp;amp;ei=9BCNUaiwKIjitQbkyoC4Bw&amp;amp;ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&amp;amp;q&amp;amp;f=false%20" target="_blank"&gt;&lt;em&gt;A New and Familiar Treatise on the Structure of the Ear, and On Deafness &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/a&gt;(London: published by the author, sold by Simpkin &amp;amp; Marshall, 1836), Webster outlines he was first devised his invention by observing the common practice of cupping the hand to the back of the ear to enhance hearing. He wondered whether the practice could be obtained by “means less troublesome and unsightly” (132). &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Webster’s Otaphone is constructed of pure silver, painted the beige to match the skin of the wearer, and shaped into a curve to be placed in the back of the ear. A small hook secures the device on the ear. The design allows the auricle (the external part of the ear) to be projected forward to collect sound waves, much as if the wearer was cupping the ear. Webster further adds that the warmth created by the close contact of the metal with the skin could also stimulate the acuity of hearing (Goldstein 343). Though the Otaphone might appear as a “fanciful and fallacious” idea, Webster actually applied theories of the ear and sound conduction that was available to him during the 1830s.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This particular version dates to 1860 and is part of The Central Institute for the Deaf-Max A. Goldstein Historic Devices for Hearing Collection (&lt;a title="Becker Collection" href="http://beckerimages.wustl.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/p15793coll3/id/3787/rec/1" target="_blank"&gt;Item VC703086&lt;/a&gt;).   At the underside of the device, the words “WEBSTER’S R PATENT” and a dragonhead are inscribed. Curiously, there is little information about the dragonhead mark. It is highly likely that the inscription was the mark of the manufacturer, as an identification mark, rather than a decorative item applied by the wearer. The beige paint has been chipped from time and perhaps wear. The Otaphone would likely have been worn by individuals with mild hearing loss who did not want to make their deafness widely known—the design of the device allowed it to be easily concealed in the hair or camouflaged by a hat. &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>A. W. Webster</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Webster, A.W. &lt;em&gt;A New and Familiar Treatise on the Structure of the Ear, and On Deafness. &lt;/em&gt;London: published by the author, sold by Simpkin &amp;amp; Marshall, 1836, p.132.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;1860&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Jaipreet Virdi-Dhesi&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5252">
                <text>&lt;p&gt;Two photographs of Webster’s Otaphone, a silver device curved to match the shape of the ear and painted beige to match the wearer's skin tone.  The first photograph shows a close up of a dragon, the second shows the whole device, whose beige paint has chipped with time.  Courtesy of The Central Institute for the Deaf-Max A. Goldstein Historic Devices for Hearing Collection.  &lt;a title="Becker Medical Images" href="http://beckerimages.wustl.edu/" target="_blank"&gt;Becker Medical Library&lt;/a&gt;, Washington University School of Medicine.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Bernard Becker Library Virtual Exhibit: &lt;em&gt;Deafness in Disguise: Concealed Hearing Devices of the 19th and 20th Centuries &lt;/em&gt;&lt;a href="http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/did/index.htm"&gt;http://beckerexhibits.wustl.edu/did/index.htm&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Berger, Kenneth W. &lt;em&gt;The Hearing Aid, it’s Operation and Development&lt;/em&gt;. Michigan, USA: National Hearing Aid Society, 1970.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Goldstein, Max A. &lt;em&gt;Problems of the Deaf. &lt;/em&gt;St. Louis: The Laryngoscope Press, 1933.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Koelkebeck, Mary Lou, Collen Detjen, and Donald R. Calvert, &lt;em&gt;Historic Devices for Hearing: The CID-Goldstein Collection&lt;/em&gt;. St. Louise: The Central Institute for the Deaf, 1984. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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